Author: Jerry L. Steering, Esq.

Steering Law is a California-based civil rights and criminal defense firm led by Jerry L. Steering, Esq. The firm focuses on police misconduct cases, including excessive force, false arrest, malicious prosecution, contempt of cop incidents, and 42 U.S.C. §1983 civil rights actions, while also handling serious criminal defense matters. Steering Law is dedicated to protecting clients’ constitutional rights and delivering justice for individuals who have been wronged by law enforcement.
Calexico Police officer arresting civilian

Suing the City, Not Just the Officer: Monell Claims in California

People are often surprised to learn that suing the officer and suing the department are two different lawsuits with two different sets of rules.

If a deputy broke your arm during an arrest, the claim against that deputy is one thing. The claim against the county that trained him, supervised him, reviewed his prior uses of force, and cleared him each time is something else. Understanding the difference explains why some cases name a single officer and others name a city, a police chief, and a department all at once.

QUICK ANSWER: A city or county is not automatically liable for what its officers do. Under Monell v. Department of Social Services (1978), a public entity is liable under 42 U.S.C. section 1983 only when its own policy, longstanding custom, failure to train, or a final policymaker’s decision caused the violation. The tradeoff is significant: qualified immunity protects individual officers, but it does not protect the entity.

The rule that starts everything

In Monell v. Department of Social Services of the City of New York, 436 U.S. 658 (1978), the Supreme Court held that municipalities are “persons” who can be sued under section 1983. In the same decision it closed a door. A city cannot be held liable simply because it employs someone who violated your rights.

The legal shorthand is that there is no respondeat superior liability under section 1983. In ordinary employment law, an employer is generally responsible for what an employee does on the job. Section 1983 does not work that way. To reach the entity, you have to show the entity itself did something.

The four routes to entity liability

Courts generally recognize four ways to get there.

An official policy

The most direct route, and the rarest. A written policy, ordinance, or regulation that itself causes the constitutional violation. Departments rarely write down anything this useful, but policies on things like when to deploy a police dog, when to use a carotid restraint, or how long to hold someone before arraignment sometimes do the work.

A longstanding custom or practice

More common, and harder to prove. Here the argument is that a practice is so widespread and settled that it has the force of policy even though nobody wrote it down. This is built from patterns: repeated incidents of the same kind, complaints that were consistently dismissed, uses of force that were consistently found to be within policy.

Failure to train or supervise

Under City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378 (1989), a failure to train can be a basis for liability where that failure amounts to deliberate indifference to the rights of people the officers encounter. The Supreme Court set a demanding standard in Connick v. Thompson, 563 U.S. 51 (2011), generally requiring a pattern of similar violations that put the entity on notice, with a narrow exception for situations where the need for training is patently obvious.

Ratification by a final policymaker

Under Pembaur v. City of Cincinnati, 475 U.S. 469 (1986), a single decision by an official with final policymaking authority can bind the entity. In police cases this often takes the shape of a ratification argument: a chief or sheriff reviewed a use of force, knew the facts, and approved both the conduct and the reasoning behind it.

Why this matters when qualified immunity is in the case

Qualified immunity shields an individual officer from damages unless the right violated was clearly established at the time. It is the single most frustrating doctrine in this area of law, and we have written about it at length in our discussion of qualified immunity and SB 2.

Here is the part that gets overlooked. Qualified immunity is a personal defense. Municipalities do not get it. An entity cannot argue that its policy was not clearly established as unconstitutional in the way an individual officer can argue about their own conduct.

That does not make entity claims easy. The causation and deliberate indifference showings are genuinely difficult. But it does mean the entity claim can survive in cases where the individual claim is at its weakest, and that is not a small thing.

The evidence these cases are built from

Monell claims are won with records, and a striking amount of the relevant material is public or obtainable.

  • Peace officer conduct records. Penal Code section 832.7, as amended by SB 1421 and SB 16, makes several categories public, including sustained findings of dishonesty and of unreasonable force, and records of uses of force causing death or great bodily injury.
  • Critical incident video. Government Code section 7923.625 requires release of video from shootings and serious force incidents within 45 days, subject to limited delays.
  • Stop data. Agencies report stop information to the California Department of Justice under the Racial and Identity Profiling Act.
  • Training materials, policy manuals, and use of force reviews, obtained in discovery once a case is filed.
  • Prior complaints and prior lawsuits against the same agency and the same officers.
  • Audits, consent decrees, grand jury reports, and inspector general findings where they exist.

The picture that emerges from those records is either a department that identified a problem and corrected it, or a department that saw the same thing happen repeatedly and did nothing. That contrast is the heart of a Monell case.

California adds a second track

Federal law is not the only option. Under California’s Tom Bane Civil Rights Act, Civil Code section 52.1, public entities can be vicariously liable for their employees’ conduct under state law principles, which is a meaningfully different structure from Monell. Many cases plead both, and our article on qualified immunity versus the Bane Act walks through why.

There is a deadline that comes with the state law track. A claim against a California public entity generally must be presented in writing within six months under Government Code section 911.2. Federal section 1983 claims in California borrow the state’s two year personal injury limitations period, but the six month claim requirement is the one that catches people.

One more development worth knowing

In Barnes v. Felix, 145 S. Ct. 1353 (2025), a unanimous Supreme Court rejected the “moment of threat” approach that some courts had used to evaluate police force by looking only at the final seconds before it was used. Courts must consider the totality of the circumstances, including what led up to the encounter.

That matters for entity claims, because tactics, training, and decisions made minutes earlier are now squarely part of the analysis rather than something a court can wave away.

Frequently asked questions

A claim under 42 U.S.C. section 1983 against a city, county, or other public entity, based on the entity’s own policy, custom, failure to train, or a final policymaker’s decision, rather than on the fact that it employed the officer.

No. Section 1983 does not allow liability based on the employment relationship alone. You have to connect the harm to the entity’s own policy, custom, training failure, or ratification.

No. Qualified immunity is a defense available to individual officials, not to public entities.

A demanding standard meaning the entity knew of, or the need was obvious as to, a risk of constitutional violations and consciously disregarded it. It is more than negligence.

Usually through public records requests under Penal Code section 832.7, prior complaints and lawsuits, agency policies and training materials obtained in discovery, and stop and use of force data.

Sometimes, under the narrow route recognized in Canton and Pembaur, for example where a final policymaker made or ratified the decision, or where the need for particular training was patently obvious. Most cases still rest on a pattern.

The California government claim requirement, generally six months under Government Code section 911.2, applies to state law claims against public entities. Federal section 1983 claims in California borrow a two year limitations period. Both can be running at once.

That depends entirely on the facts and the available records. Many cases name both, because the claims are governed by different rules and can succeed or fail independently.

If you are considering a case against a police department or sheriff’s department in Southern California, the Law Office of Jerry L. Steering handles federal civil rights lawsuits against officers and the entities that employ them. Call the Newport Beach office at (949) 474-1849.

About the Author

Jerry L. Steering has represented people injured by law enforcement since 1984. He graduated from the University of Georgia School of Law in 1984 and has been licensed in California since 1986 (State Bar No. 122509). His Newport Beach practice covers police misconduct, civil rights, and criminal defense throughout Orange, Los Angeles, Riverside, San Bernardino, San Diego, Ventura, Santa Barbara, and Kern counties.

This article is general legal information, not legal advice about your situation. Reading it does not create an attorney client relationship.

Sources
  • Monell v. Department of Social Services, 436 U.S. 658 (1978)
  • City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378 (1989)
  • Pembaur v. City of Cincinnati, 475 U.S. 469 (1986)
  • Connick v. Thompson, 563 U.S. 51 (2011)
  • Barnes v. Felix, 145 S. Ct. 1353 (2025)
  • 42 U.S.C. section 1983
  • California Civil Code section 52.1 (Tom Bane Civil Rights Act)
  • California Government Code section 911.2
  • California Code of Civil Procedure section 335.1
  • California Penal Code section 832.7, as amended by SB 1421 and SB 16
  • California Government Code sections 7923.625 and 12525.5
Police Pretextual Traffic Stops . . .

“Why Am I Being Pulled Over?” California’s Reason for the Stop Law and Pretextual Stops

Almost everyone who has been pulled over in California has had the same experience. The lights come on, the officer walks up, and the first words out of their mouth are a question. Where are you coming from. Do you know why I stopped you. Is there anything in the car I should know about.

Since the beginning of 2024, that opening is backwards under California law. Here is what the statute actually requires, what it does not do, and why the answer an officer gives at your window can matter a great deal later.

QUICK ANSWER: Since January 1, 2024, California Vehicle Code section 2806.5 requires an officer to state the reason for a traffic or pedestrian stop before asking any questions, and to document that reason on the citation or report. The only exception is a reasonable belief that withholding it is necessary to protect life or property from an imminent threat. The statute sets a duty on the officer, not an automatic remedy for you.

What the law says

AB 2773 took effect on January 1, 2024. It added section 2806.5 to the Vehicle Code and it does two things.

First, an officer making a traffic or pedestrian stop must state the reason for the stop before asking any question related to a criminal investigation or a traffic violation.

Second, the officer must document that stated reason on any citation issued and in any report resulting from the stop.

There is one exception. An officer may withhold the reason if they reasonably believe that withholding it is necessary to protect life or property from an imminent threat, and the statute gives terrorism and kidnapping as the kind of circumstances contemplated. That is a narrow carve out, not a general escape hatch for an officer who would rather ask questions first.

The same legislation also requires agencies to report the stated reason for each stop to the California Department of Justice as part of the data collected under the Racial and Identity Profiling Act, found at Government Code section 12525.5.

What a “pretextual stop” actually means

A pretextual stop is a stop where the officer uses a minor, technically valid reason as the entry point for an investigation into something else entirely. A cracked taillight becomes a conversation about where you are going. A slow roll at a stop sign becomes a request to search the trunk.

Under federal law, the Supreme Court held in Whren v. United States (1996) that an officer’s actual motive does not invalidate a stop that is objectively supported by probable cause of a traffic violation. That remains the constitutional baseline, and it is why “he only pulled me over because of how I look” is difficult to litigate as a Fourth Amendment claim standing alone.

Vehicle Code section 2806.5 does not overrule Whren. What it does is create a paper record. The officer has to say a reason out loud, at the roadside, before hearing anything from you. Then they have to write that same reason down. Then the agency has to report it to the state.

Why the paper record matters

Cases involving traffic stops usually turn on a mismatch, and the mismatch is easier to find now.

  • The stated reason and the written reason are different. An officer who says “you were weaving” at the window and writes “expired registration” in the report has a problem, and so does the credibility of everything else in that report.
  • The stated reason does not match the video. Body camera and dash camera footage captures the first words spoken. If the officer began with questions instead of a reason, that is on the recording. Our guide on how to get the body camera video of your arrest covers how to request it.
  • The stated reason does not appear anywhere. No reason on the citation, no reason in the report, no reason on the video. In a case that later involves a search, an arrest, or a resisting charge, that absence is worth a great deal.
  • The pattern is documented. Because agencies now report stated reasons to the Attorney General, one person’s questionable stop can be placed against the department’s own stop data. That is how an individual complaint becomes evidence of a practice.

What the statute does not do

This is where honest expectations matter.

Section 2806.5 does not say that evidence gets suppressed if an officer skips the required statement. It does not create a right to sue for money damages by itself. It does not make a stop unlawful that was otherwise supported by reasonable suspicion or probable cause. And it does not give you the right to refuse to identify yourself or to drive away.

What it does is give you and your lawyer a concrete, statutory expectation that the officer’s own conduct can be measured against. In practice it functions less like a shield at the roadside and more like a lever afterward, in a criminal defense motion, in a civil rights case, or in a complaint to the agency.

What to do at the stop itself

The roadside is not the place to litigate. It is the place to stay safe and preserve the record.

  • Pull over promptly, stay in the car, keep your hands visible, and turn on the interior light at night.
  • You may ask, calmly and once, “Officer, what is the reason for the stop?” Asking is not resisting.
  • You are required to provide your license, registration, and proof of insurance when driving.
  • You do not have to answer investigative questions. You can say that you prefer not to answer questions and would like to go on your way.
  • You do not have to consent to a search. Saying “I do not consent to a search” clearly and once is not obstruction. Physically interfering would be.
  • Do not argue about whether the stop was legal. That argument is won later, in a courtroom, with the footage.

Refusing consent or declining to answer is not, by itself, a lawful basis for an arrest. When an officer responds to a polite refusal by escalating, that escalation frequently produces a charge under Penal Code section 148 or section 69. Our article on passive versus active resistance explains where courts have drawn that line.

When a stop turns into something worse

Many of the cases this firm handles started as a routine stop. Someone asked a question, or did not move fast enough, or reached for a phone to record, and within a minute they were on the pavement facing charges for resisting an officer.

If that happened to you, write down everything you remember while it is fresh, photograph any injuries the same day and again as bruising develops, get medical care, and preserve any video you or your passengers took. Then act quickly, because a claim against a California city, county, or state agency generally requires a written government claim within six months.

Frequently asked questions

Yes. Vehicle Code section 2806.5 requires the officer to state the reason for the stop before asking questions, unless withholding it is reasonably necessary to protect life or property from an imminent threat.

January 1, 2024. It was enacted by AB 2773.

The statute does not provide an automatic remedy. The failure is evidence, and it can matter in a suppression motion, a civil rights case, or an administrative complaint, but it does not by itself void the stop.

A stop supported by an objectively valid traffic violation is generally lawful even if the officer had another motive, under Whren v. United States. Section 2806.5 regulates how the stop begins rather than prohibiting pretext.

No. You must provide license, registration, and insurance when driving. You are not required to answer investigative questions.

Declining consent is not a crime and is not, standing alone, a lawful basis for arrest. If you were arrested after refusing, that sequence is worth reviewing with a lawyer.

Agencies report stop information, including the stated reason, to the California Department of Justice under the Racial and Identity Profiling Act, Government Code section 12525.5.

Yes. The statute covers pedestrian stops as well as vehicle stops.

If a traffic stop in Southern California ended in an arrest you believe was unlawful, the Law Office of Jerry L. Steering handles false arrest and false imprisonment cases. You can reach the Newport Beach office at (949) 474-1849.

About the Author

Jerry L. Steering has represented people injured or falsely arrested by law enforcement since 1984. He graduated from the University of Georgia School of Law in 1984 and has been licensed in California since 1986 (State Bar No. 122509). His Newport Beach practice covers police misconduct, civil rights, and criminal defense throughout Orange, Los Angeles, Riverside, San Bernardino, San Diego, Ventura, Santa Barbara, and Kern counties.

This article is general legal information, not legal advice about your situation. Reading it does not create an attorney client relationship.

Sources
  • California Vehicle Code section 2806.5, added by AB 2773 (2021 to 2022 Regular Session), effective January 1, 2024
  • California Government Code section 12525.5 (Racial and Identity Profiling Act reporting)
  • Liebert Cassidy Whitmore, “AB 2773 Imposes Procedural Requirements For Police Stops”
  • Criminal Legal News, “California AB 2773 Requires Police to State Reason for Traffic Stops Before Questioning,” May 2024
  • Whren v. United States, 517 U.S. 806 (1996)
  • California Penal Code sections 148 and 69
  • California Government Code section 911.2
Chaotic video shows Chino police chase, capture burglary crew targeting UPS trucks 2

How to Get the Body Camera Video of Your Arrest in California

The video exists. That is the part most people get right. What surprises them is how quickly it can stop existing, and how differently the rules treat a routine arrest compared to a shooting.

If you were beaten, tased, bitten by a police dog, or arrested on charges you know are false, the body camera and dash camera recordings are often the difference between your word against an officer’s and a case that resolves itself the moment a judge or a jury watches sixty seconds of footage. Here is how to go after it.

QUICK ANSWER: Send a written preservation demand to the agency immediately, then file a California Public Records Act request. If an officer fired a weapon or used force causing death or great bodily injury, Government Code section 7923.625 requires release within 45 days. For ordinary arrests there is no 45 day rule, so speed matters. Criminal defense counsel can also obtain the video through discovery.

Step one, and do it today: send a preservation letter

Before you request anything, demand that the agency keep it.

Retention schedules vary by department, and video categorized as non evidentiary is frequently purged on a short cycle. A written preservation demand, sent to the agency’s records unit and its city attorney or county counsel, identifies the date, time, location, incident or report number, and the officers involved, and asks that all body worn camera, dash camera, station, and jail video be preserved along with the associated metadata and audit logs.

Two reasons this comes first. It stops the clock on routine deletion. And if a department destroys video after receiving a preservation demand, that destruction itself becomes an issue in the case.

Step two: know which category your incident falls into

California treats two situations very differently.

Critical incidents: the 45 day rule

AB 748 took effect on July 1, 2019 and now appears at Government Code section 7923.625. It covers recordings of critical incidents, meaning an incident in which an officer discharged a firearm, or in which force by an officer caused death or great bodily injury.

For those recordings, the agency must make the video available under the Public Records Act within 45 days of the incident, or within 45 days of when it should reasonably have known about it.

An agency can delay release beyond 45 days only if disclosure would substantially interfere with an active criminal or administrative investigation, for example by endangering a witness or a confidential source. Even then it must notify the requester in writing and reassess every 30 days, and it cannot push past one year unless it can show by clear and convincing evidence that interference would still occur. Where privacy interests outweigh the public interest, the agency is expected to blur or redact rather than withhold, and it must still provide a copy to the people directly involved.

Everything else

Most arrests are not critical incidents. A takedown that leaves you with bruises and a resisting charge, a handcuffing that dislocates a shoulder, a search of your car after a stop, none of that triggers the 45 day clock.

For those recordings the routes are a Public Records Act request, a criminal discovery request if charges were filed, and civil discovery once a lawsuit is on file. Agencies often deny records act requests for ordinary arrest video by citing the investigatory records exemption, and that denial is common enough that you should plan for it rather than be surprised by it.

Step three: file the Public Records Act request properly

A request that gets results is specific and dated. Include the incident date and approximate time, the location, the report or incident number if you have one, the names or badge numbers of the officers if you know them, and the categories you want: body worn camera video, in car video, station and booking area video, computer aided dispatch logs, radio traffic, and the use of force report.

Ask for the records in their native format with metadata intact. Ask separately for the retention policy and the audit log showing who viewed or exported the file. Agencies must respond within ten days as to whether they hold disclosable records, though the actual production commonly takes longer.

Step four: request the personnel and misconduct records too

This is the request people forget, and it is often the more valuable one.

SB 1421, effective in 2019, and SB 16, which expanded it in 2022, opened categories of peace officer records that used to be sealed. Under Penal Code section 832.7 the public may obtain records relating to officer involved shootings, uses of force resulting in death or great bodily injury, sustained findings of dishonesty, sexual assault by an officer, and sustained findings of unreasonable force or unlawful arrests and searches.

That is a separate request from video, sent to the same agency. If the officer who arrested you has a sustained finding for dishonesty or unreasonable force, that record is a public record now, and it changes the shape of a case.

For anyone facing charges, criminal defense counsel has an additional tool in the Pitchess motion, which is a court process for obtaining complaint history from an officer’s confidential personnel file. Our article on Brady lists and Pitchess motions explains how those fit together.

What the video does and does not settle

Body camera footage is evidence, not a verdict. Cameras get switched on late, obstructed by an arm or a vest, or angled away from what matters. Audio often captures what the lens misses. Bystander video, business surveillance, and doorbell cameras frequently show what the officer’s camera does not, and private systems overwrite in days, so those need to be collected fast.

The point is not that video proves everything. The point is that video, the metadata around it, the audit log, and the officer’s own report either line up or they do not. When they do not line up, that is the case.

Our article on body cameras and police accountability goes deeper on how footage actually functions in litigation.

Frequently asked questions

For critical incidents involving a firearm discharge or force causing death or great bodily injury, 45 days under Government Code section 7923.625, with limited grounds for delay. For other incidents there is no fixed release deadline.

Sometimes. There is no 45 day right in that situation, and agencies often invoke the investigatory records exemption. Criminal discovery through defense counsel and civil discovery in a lawsuit are usually the more reliable routes.

It depends on the agency’s retention schedule and how the recording was categorized. Some non evidentiary video is purged within a couple of months. This is why a written preservation demand should go out immediately.

A written demand that the agency retain all recordings, logs, and metadata connected to a specific incident. It does not require a lawsuit and it can be sent right away.

Agencies may charge for the direct cost of duplication. They generally may not charge for the time spent searching for or reviewing records, with limited exceptions.

Yes. Where privacy interests outweigh the public interest in disclosure, the statute contemplates redaction technology rather than outright withholding, and the people directly involved are still entitled to a copy.

That is itself significant. Most California agencies have written activation policies, and a failure to activate can support a claim and can be raised with the jury. The audit log will usually show whether the camera was on.

Yes. Penal Code section 832.7, as amended by SB 1421 and SB 16, makes several categories of peace officer conduct records public, including sustained findings of dishonesty and unreasonable force.

If you were injured or falsely arrested in Southern California and you need the video, the Law Office of Jerry L. Steering can help you move quickly. Learn more about our work in police misconduct cases or call (949) 474-1849.

About the Author

Jerry L. Steering has represented people injured by law enforcement since 1984. He graduated from the University of Georgia School of Law in 1984 and has been licensed in California since 1986 (State Bar No. 122509). His Newport Beach practice is devoted to police misconduct, civil rights, and criminal defense throughout Orange, Los Angeles, Riverside, San Bernardino, San Diego, Ventura, Santa Barbara, and Kern counties.

This article is general legal information, not legal advice about your situation. Reading it does not create an attorney client relationship.

Sources
  • California Government Code section 7923.625 (formerly Government Code section 6254(f)(4), added by AB 748, effective July 1, 2019)
  • Best Best & Krieger, “AB 748: More Public Access to Body Camera Footage Under the Public Records Act”
  • California Penal Code section 832.7, as amended by SB 1421 (2018) and SB 16 (2021)
  • California Public Records Act, Government Code section 7920.000 and following
  • California Evidence Code sections 1043 to 1047 (Pitchess procedure)
  • First Amendment Coalition, Police Transparency Handbook
Forner Orange County Sheriff Mike Carona

The No Kings Act (SB 747): Can You Sue a Federal Agent in California?

California’s SB 747, known as the No Kings Act, would let people sue federal agents, including ICE and Border Patrol, in state court for violating their constitutional rights. Authored by State Senator Scott Wiener, the bill closes a gap left by Supreme Court decisions that narrowed Bivens claims against individual federal officers, and it would not require the Federal Tort Claims Act’s administrative claims process first. The California Legislature passed SB 747 on August 27, 2026, and it is currently awaiting Governor Gavin Newsom’s signature, with a deadline at the end of September 2026. Until it is signed, most claims against federal agents in California still go through the Federal Tort Claims Act, which requires an administrative claim within two years of the incident. If signed, SB 747 would make California the first state with a direct state-court remedy against federal officers for constitutional violations.

Keypoints

  • SB 747, the No Kings Act, would let people sue federal agents in California state court for constitutional violations.
  • The bill passed the California Legislature on August 27, 2026, and awaits Governor Newsom’s signature by the end of September 2026.
  • Today, most claims against federal agents go through the Federal Tort Claims Act, which requires an administrative claim within two years.
  • SB 747 would skip that federal claims process and would not require proof of “threats, intimidation, or coercion” like the Bane Act does.
  • Bivens claims against individual federal officers have been sharply narrowed by the Supreme Court, most notably in Egbert v. Boule (2022).
  • As of this writing, SB 747 has not been signed and is not yet law.

If you were thrown to the ground during a workplace raid, hit with a projectile at a protest, or handcuffed by agents who never told you why, the first question is usually the same. Can I do anything about this?

You can. The honest answer is that the rules for holding a federal agent accountable are different, and in several ways harder, than the rules for holding a city police officer accountable. Knowing which set of rules applies to your situation matters more than almost anything else, because the deadlines are short and one of them is unforgiving.

QUICK ANSWER: Yes, but the path is narrower than suing a city police officer. Today most claims against federal agents run through the Federal Tort Claims Act, which requires an administrative claim within two years before any lawsuit. California’s SB 747, the No Kings Act, would add a state court remedy against federal officers for constitutional violations. It passed the Legislature on August 27, 2026 and is awaiting action by the Governor.

Why federal agents are treated differently

When a Los Angeles police officer or an Orange County sheriff’s deputy violates your rights, you generally sue under 42 U.S.C. section 1983, the federal civil rights statute, and often under California’s Tom Bane Civil Rights Act as well. Those tools exist because the officer acts under state law. When city and county officers are involved alongside federal ones in the same incident, a best civil rights attorney in california can pursue both claims together instead of losing time figuring out which track applies. 

A federal agent does not act under state law. Section 1983 does not reach them. That single distinction is why cases involving Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Border Patrol, the FBI, the DEA, or the U.S. Marshals follow a separate track.

The Federal Tort Claims Act is the main road today

The Federal Tort Claims Act, found at 28 U.S.C. sections 1346 and 2671 through 2680, lets you seek money damages from the United States for harm caused by federal employees acting within the scope of their employment. You do not sue the individual agent. You sue the government that sent them.

The claim comes before the lawsuit

Before you can file anything in court, you must present an administrative claim to the agency involved. This is usually done on Standard Form 95. Under 28 U.S.C. section 2401(b) that claim has to be presented within two years of the injury, and it must state a “sum certain,” meaning a specific dollar figure. The agency then has six months to accept, deny, or sit on it. If it denies the claim or lets the six months run, you may file suit in federal district court.

Miss the two-year deadline and the case is over. Courts treat this requirement as jurisdictional, which means a judge has no power to excuse the delay no matter how sympathetic the facts are. Leave out the sum certain and courts have thrown out claims for that alone. This is the single most common way a strong case against federal agents dies before anyone looks at the merits.

The law enforcement proviso is what makes these cases possible

The Federal Tort Claims Act normally bars claims for intentional torts. There is a carve-out. Under 28 U.S.C. section 2680(h), when the conduct involves “investigative or law enforcement officers,” you may bring claims for assault, battery, false imprisonment, false arrest, abuse of process, and malicious prosecution. Immigration and customs agents fall squarely within that definition, which is why an excessive force case against ICE or Border Patrol is usually pleaded as assault and battery against the United States.

What happened to Bivens claims

For decades the companion remedy was a Bivens claim, named for a 1971 Supreme Court decision allowing a constitutional damages suit directly against an individual federal officer. The Supreme Court has narrowed that remedy repeatedly, most sharply in Egbert v. Boule (2022). What remains is a narrow Fourth Amendment lane and very little else. Courts now routinely decline to extend Bivens into any “new context.”

That is the practical reason the Federal Tort Claims Act carries most of the weight in these cases, and the practical reason California legislators went looking for another answer.

SB 747, the No Kings Act

Senate Bill 747, authored by Senator Scott Wiener and known as the No Kings Act, would create a cause of action in California state court against federal officers who violate constitutional rights, including excessive force and false arrest. If you’re asking what is the no kings act in plain terms: it’s a state-law workaround for a federal accountability gap that Bivens claims can no longer reliably fill. 

Three features matter to someone who has been hurt:

  • It would allow the case to be filed in state court rather than requiring federal court.
  • It would not require the Federal Tort Claims Act administrative claim process first.
  • It would not require proof of “threats, intimidation, or coercion,” which is the additional element the Bane Act demands.

 The bill’s official text and vote history are tracked on the California Legislative Information site, which is the most reliable way to confirm SB 747’s status before relying on anything written about it, including this article.

The Assembly passed SB 747 by a vote of 57 to 19 and the Senate by 30 to 10. It reached the Governor on August 27, 2026, and reporting at the time indicated he must act on it by September 30, 2026, with the law taking effect immediately if signed.

 Advocacy hasn’t stopped at the Legislature. Immigration rights groups and civil rights organizations have publicly pressed Governor Newsom to sign the bill without delay, arguing it’s the first real accountability tool of its kind aimed at federal officers. KRON4’s coverage of that push includes the case of a U.S. citizen and Army veteran who says he was wrongfully detained by ICE and plans to be among the first to file suit if the bill becomes law. 

Two cautions belong in the same breath. First, as of the date of this article the bill has not been signed, so it is not law and nothing here should be read as saying otherwise. Second, legislative staff and law enforcement groups have both said publicly that a state law reaching federal officers is likely to draw a federal court challenge. Nobody can responsibly predict how that turns out.

What to do now, whichever way SB 747 goes

The steps that protect a case do not depend on pending legislation.

  • Write down what happened while it is fresh, including agency names, vehicle markings, badge or unit numbers, and the names of everyone present.
  • Photograph injuries the same day and again several days later as bruising develops, and get medical treatment even if you feel able to tough it out.
  • Save clothing, and do not wash it.
  • Collect video. Ask bystanders, nearby businesses, and neighbors for footage right away, because most systems overwrite within days or weeks.
  • Watch the calendar. The two-year federal administrative deadline is not the only clock. If any state or local officers took part in a joint operation, a separate six month California government claim deadline may apply to them, and it is much shorter.

Joint task forces are common in Southern California, and it is often unclear in the moment which agency an agent belongs to. That ambiguity is a reason to talk to a lawyer early rather than a reason to wait. As a police misconduct attorney, I’ve represented people harmed by federal, state, and local law enforcement since 1984, and if the same encounter also led to criminal charges against you, a criminal defense lawyer in california residents trust can handle that side of the case while any civil claim moves forward separately. KALW’s reporting on SB 747 confirms Governor Newsom has until the end of September to act, so check the bill’s status before assuming either outcome.

Conclusion

Right now, if a federal agent violates your rights in California, your realistic options run through the Federal Tort Claims Act, a narrow Bivens lane, or a two-year deadline that courts won’t bend for anyone. SB 747, the No Kings Act, is built to change that math by giving people a state-court path that doesn’t require the federal claims process first, but it’s still sitting on the Governor’s desk, not yet the law. Whichever way it goes, the steps that protect a case don’t wait for Sacramento: document everything, get the video before it disappears, and don’t guess at which deadline applies to your situation. Steering Law has spent four decades sorting out exactly that kind of ambiguity for people harmed by law enforcement at every level, federal, state, and local, and that experience doesn’t change based on what happens to a bill in September.

Frequently asked questions

Rarely, and it is difficult. After Egbert v. Boule, courts allow individual capacity constitutional claims against federal officers only in narrow circumstances. Most viable cases proceed against the United States under the Federal Tort Claims Act instead.

Two years from the date of injury to present the administrative claim, under 28 U.S.C. section 2401(b). After a denial you generally have six months to file suit in federal court.

It is the standard federal administrative claim form. It must identify the incident, the injuries, and a specific dollar amount, and it must be signed. A written notification containing the same information can also work, but the form is the safer route.

The Bane Act is a California statute aimed at interference with rights by threats, intimidation, or coercion. Whether and how it reaches federal officers is contested, which is part of what SB 747 was written to address.

No. As of the publication date of this article it had passed both houses of the Legislature and was awaiting the Governor’s action. Check the current status before relying on it.

Then two different sets of rules and two different deadlines apply at the same time. The California government claim deadline for the local agency is six months, which usually arrives long before the federal deadline.

An internal complaint is not a substitute for the administrative claim. Filing a complaint with an agency’s professional responsibility office does not preserve your right to sue.

Commonly broken bones, head injuries, eye injuries from kinetic impact projectiles, dog bites, and psychological harm. Every case is evaluated on its own facts, and no lawyer can tell you what a case is worth before reviewing the evidence.

If federal agents hurt you or someone in your family in Southern California, the Law Office of Jerry L. Steering offers consultations from our Newport Beach office. You can learn more about federal civil rights lawsuits or contact the firm at (949) 474-1849.

This article is general legal information, not legal advice about your situation. Reading it does not create an attorney client relationship. Deadlines in these cases are short and unforgiving, so speak with a lawyer promptly.

Sources
  • 28 U.S.C. sections 1346, 2401(b), 2675(a), 2680(h), Federal Tort Claims Act
  • Egbert v. Boule, 596 U.S. 482 (2022)
  • Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents, 403 U.S. 388 (1971)
  • California SB 747 (2025 to 2026 Regular Session), Senator Scott Wiener
  • Office of Senator Scott Wiener, “California Passes Senator Wiener’s Bill Allowing People to Sue ICE, Border Patrol For Violating Constitutional Rights,” sd11.senate.ca.gov
  • KQED, “California Senate Approves Bill Making It Easier to Sue ICE Agents”
  • Advocate Magazine, “The FTCA: Suing the federal government for civil rights violations,” June 2026
  • California Civil Code section 52.1 (Tom Bane Civil Rights Act)
  • California Government Code section 911.2

San Diego County Sheriff's Department SWAT 2

Can California Police Wear Masks Now? What the 2026 Law Does and Doesn’t Do

California bans most law enforcement officers from wearing masks or other facial coverings while on duty under SB 627, the No Secret Police Act, signed by Governor Gavin Newsom in September 2025. The law applies to local, state, and out-of-state officers, with narrow exceptions for undercover work, SWAT operations, and safety gear. A federal judge blocked enforcement of the mask ban against federal agents, including ICE, in February 2026, ruling that California couldn’t single out federal officers while exempting its own state police. In August 2026, the Legislature passed SB 1004 to close that loophole by extending the ban to all officers equally, and the bill is awaiting Governor Newsom’s signature, due by September 30, 2026. Until it’s signed, federal agents in California remain legally allowed to wear masks and are not required to display visible identification.

Keypoints 

  • SB 627, the No Secret Police Act, took effect January 1, 2026, and bans most facial coverings for on-duty law enforcement in California.
  • A federal judge blocked the ban against ICE and other federal agents in February 2026 over constitutional discrimination concerns.
  • The same ruling also blocked California from requiring federal agents to display visible ID or badges.
  • SB 1004, passed by the Legislature on August 28, 2026, would extend the mask ban to state and local officers too, fixing the legal flaw.
  • Governor Newsom must sign or veto SB 1004 by September 30, 2026.
  • Agencies operating in California must still publicly post a written mask policy under Government Code § 7289.

A masked officer is one of the most unsettling sights in law enforcement. When you cannot see a badge, a name, or a face, you cannot identify who put hands on you, and you cannot hold him accountable later, that anonymity is the enemy of accountability. That is exactly the problem California tried to fix with its new mask wearing law, and just as quickly, federal courts stepped in to reshape it. If you’re asking whether a police mask is still legal in California right now, the honest answer is: it depends on whether the officer works for the state or the federal government, and that split has already been fought over in court twice in 2026. 

A note on timing: This is moving fast. As of this writing, the California Legislature has passed SB 1004, a follow-up bill that would extend the mask ban to state and local officers as well as federal ones. Governor Newsom must act on it by September 30, 2026, so the status described below could change again within the month. Confirm the current state of the law before relying on it.

Can California police wear masks in 2026?

It depends on which officers. Under SB 627, the “No Secret Police Act” — the california police mask law most people are asking about, it is generally a crime for local and out-of-state law enforcement to wear identity-concealing facial coverings on duty in California, with limited exceptions. A federal court has blocked enforcement of that mask wearing law against federal officers, and a newer bill aimed at fixing that gap is now sitting on the Governor’s desk.

Governor Newsom signed SB 627 on September 20, 2025, and it took effect January 1, 2026. It added Penal Code § 185.5, which makes it a crime for a law enforcement officer to wear a facial covering that conceals or obscures their facial identity while performing their duties in California. The statute defines law enforcement officer to include peace officers employed by a city, county, or other local agency, officers from other states, and federal officers. It carves out narrow exceptions, including SWAT operations, authorized undercover work, tactical situations requiring protective gear, and medical masks.  If a masked officer was involved in your own arrest or use-of-force incident, a police misconduct attorney california can still help identify the department and the individual officer through records that exist even when a face didn’t. 

Does the mask ban apply to ICE and federal agents?

As of July 2026, no, at least not enforceably. In February 2026 a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction barring California from enforcing SB 627’s mask ban against federal law enforcement officers, finding the law likely discriminates against the federal government. That ruling is why masked federal agents remain a live dispute.

As of September 2026, generally no,  enforcement of the ice agent mask ban california newsom signed into law remains frozen against federal officers, though that could change within weeks. In February 2026 a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction barring California from enforcing SB 627’s mask ban against federal law enforcement officers, finding the law likely discriminates against the federal government. That ruling is why masked federal agents have remained a live dispute all year, and it’s the moment most people mean when they search for a federal judge blocked California’s law banning federal agent masks. 

Notably, the same judge rejected the federal government’s claim that masking is essential to officer safety, finding no cognizable justification for officers to conceal their identities. So the injunction rested on the discrimination problem, not on any blessing of masked policing. The Judicial Council of California’s newsroom covered this ruling directly, confirming that Judge Snyder’s order also touched the companion identification requirement discussed below. 

That distinction mattered, because it told lawmakers exactly how to fix the law. Senator Scott Wiener introduced SB 1004 to remove the state-officer exemption and apply the mask ban evenly to every officer in California, state, local, and federal alike. On August 28, 2026, the Legislature passed SB 1004, and it now sits on Governor Newsom’s desk; he has until September 30, 2026 to sign or veto it. If he signs it, the intergovernmental immunity problem that sank the original version should largely disappear, because the state would no longer be singling out federal agents. Until then, the exemption in the currently enacted law is exactly the hook the courts used, and it is why enforcement against federal officers stays frozen for now. 

What is the difference between the mask ban and the officer identification law?

SB 627’s mask ban prohibits identity-concealing facial coverings. A separate measure, the officer identification requirement sometimes called the No Vigilantes Act, requires visible identification. Courts have treated them differently, and in April 2026 the Ninth Circuit enjoined enforcement of the identification requirement against federal officers pending appeal.

These are two different accountability tools, and they have fared differently in court. The identification requirement, which compels officers to visibly display identifying information, was initially upheld against the federal government by the district court. But the federal government appealed, and on April 22, 2026, the Ninth Circuit held that the identification law did directly regulate the federal government and was therefore likely unconstitutional as applied to federal officers, granting an injunction pending appeal. So as of now, enforcement of both the mask ban and the identification requirement against federal officers is on hold while the litigation continues. PBS NewsHour’s coverage of the appeal walks through the Ninth Circuit’s reasoning in more detail, including the panel’s finding that the identification law “attempts to directly regulate the United States in its performance of governmental functions.” We’ve also covered this identification-law question separately in our companion article on how SB 627 requires officers to identify themselves.

Do California police agencies still have to post a mask policy?

Yes. Separate from the criminal ban, SB 627 requires every law enforcement agency operating in California to maintain and publicly post a written policy limiting facial coverings by July 1, 2026. A timely, compliant policy also shields the agency’s own officers from the criminal penalties.

This part of the law has not been enjoined, and it matters. Government Code § 7289 requires agencies to post a written facial-covering policy by July 1, 2026. That policy must affirm a commitment to transparency and public trust, state that generalized fear about officer safety is not enough to justify masking, require that sworn personnel not use facial coverings on duty, and list only narrowly tailored exemptions. If an agency posts a compliant policy on time, its officers are protected from the criminal penalties in Penal Code § 185.5. If it does not, the public, an oversight body, or a governing authority can challenge the deficiency. SB 1004 would also extend this posting requirement to state agencies like the California Highway Patrol, with a compliance deadline of January 1, 2027, if the Governor signs it. 

For a person in Orange County or anywhere else in California, this posting requirement is more useful than it might sound. A department’s own written policy becomes a public yardstick. When an officer conceals his identity in a situation that does not fit any listed exemption, that policy is evidence that the department itself said this should not happen. In my work, a defendant’s own rules, violated by its own officer, are some of the most persuasive material a jury can see, because it takes the argument out of my mouth and puts it in theirs.

Why does a masked officer matter for a police misconduct case?

Anonymity blocks accountability. If you cannot identify the officer who used force against you, it is harder to file a complaint, harder to sue, and easier for the officer to avoid consequences. SB 627 also strips certain immunities from officers who commit torts while unlawfully masked, which can strengthen a civil claim.

From where I sit, this whole fight is about accountability, which is the thing the system works hardest to avoid. The reason I care about a mask is the same reason I care about a missing badge number or a switched-off body camera: it is one more way to make sure that when an officer crosses the line, no one can prove who did it. SB 627 recognized this by providing that an officer who commits certain torts, such as false arrest or false imprisonment, while wearing a facial covering in knowing violation of the statute, cannot assert privileges or immunities in a civil action and faces statutory damages. Where that provision applies, an unlawful mask is not just a policy violation; it is a thumb on the scale for the victim.

If you were detained, searched, or hurt by an officer whose identity was concealed anywhere in Southern California, do not assume the anonymity is the end of the road. There are ways to identify officers and agencies, and the law is increasingly on the side of transparency. I handle these cases as a police misconduct attorney california families call after an arrest goes wrong, and the same investigative approach applies whether the underlying charge is resisting arrest, a disputed wrongful towing california stop, or a straightforward excessive force claim. You can learn more about how I approach these cases on my best civil rights attorney in california practice page, and if a criminal charge came out of the same encounter, my work as a criminal defense lawyer california residents hire covers that side too. Keep in mind that this area of law is changing month to month, especially with SB 1004 now awaiting the Governor’s signature, so confirm the current state of the litigation before relying on any of it.  

Conclusion

The rules around a police mask in California have shifted three times in less than a year, and they’re likely to shift again before September ends. Right now, most state and local officers can’t legally cover their faces on duty, but federal agents can, because the courts blocked that part of the law on constitutional grounds rather than on the merits of masking itself. Whether that gap closes depends on one signature from Governor Newsom. What hasn’t changed is the underlying problem this entire fight is about: an officer you can’t identify is an officer you can’t hold accountable. That’s the issue Steering Law has built its practice around for four decades, whether the anonymity comes from a mask, a switched-off body camera, or a missing badge number. If you were stopped, searched, or hurt by an officer whose identity was concealed, Steering Law can help you find out who they were and what options you have.

Sources

Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.

FAQs

Yes. Under SB 627, most law enforcement officers, local, state, and out-of-state, are prohibited from wearing masks or other facial coverings while performing official duties, with narrow exceptions for undercover work and safety gear.

Generally, yes, for state and local officers. Federal agents are currently exempt from enforcement because a federal court blocked that part of the law.

The law was written to include ICE and other federal agents, but a federal judge blocked enforcement against them in February 2026. That exemption may disappear if Governor Newsom signs SB 1004.

For most state and local officers, yes, wearing a facial covering on duty is a misdemeanor under Penal Code § 185.5, unless a specific exception applies.


On paper, yes. In practice, no, not right now. A federal court order currently prevents California from enforcing that part of the law against ICE.

A federal judge ruled that California can regulate federal agents’ masking, but only if the law applies equally to state officers too. That’s the exact gap SB 1004 is designed to close.

Yes. U.S. District Judge Christina Snyder issued a preliminary injunction in February 2026, finding the original law discriminated against the federal government by exempting California’s own officers.

Violating the ban is a misdemeanor. Officers who commit certain torts, like false arrest, while unlawfully masked can also lose certain legal immunities in a civil lawsuit.

No. SB 627 is the original No Secret Police Act. SB 1004 is a follow-up bill that would amend it by removing the state-officer exemption, closing the loophole courts identified.


OCSD Deputy Booking-In Evidence

Can You Sue the Police for Planting or Fabricating Evidence?

Fabricating or planting evidence against a suspect violates due process rights under the U.S. Constitution and can be the basis of a federal civil rights lawsuit under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, as well as a state law claim under California’s Bane Act (Civil Code § 52.1). Officers who deliberately fabricate evidence are generally not protected by qualified immunity, since courts have held that such conduct is clearly unconstitutional. A person does not need to be acquitted at trial to sue; a dismissal or dropped charges is enough to bring the civil claim. California requires a government tort claim within six months of the incident for claims against a public entity. 

Keypoints: 

  • Fabricating or planting evidence against you violates your due process rights and is a valid basis for a federal civil rights lawsuit.
  • You can sue under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 federally and under California’s Bane Act at the state level.
  • Qualified immunity almost never protects an officer who knowingly fabricated evidence.
  • You do not need a trial acquittal to sue, a dismissal or dropped charges is enough under Thompson v. Clark (2022).
  • Proof usually comes from contradictions: body-camera footage, inconsistent witness statements, and mismatched timelines.
  • California requires a government tort claim within six months of the incident for claims against a public entity.
  • Fabrication and malicious prosecution claims often overlap and can be pursued together in the same lawsuit.

Of all the things I have watched police officers do in forty years, fabricating evidence is the one that still turns my stomach. It is one thing to make a bad split-second decision. It is another to sit down after the fact, in the quiet, and write lies into a report, or drop something into a pocket, or shape a witness statement, all to send a person they know is innocent into a cage. The Constitution treats that for what it is, and yes, you can sue for it. If you’re asking whether you can sue for police misconduct like this, the short answer is yes, and the rest of this article walks through exactly how.

Can you sue the police for planting or fabricating evidence in California?

Yes. Fabricating or planting evidence violates your due process rights, and you can sue the officers under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and, in California, under the Tom Bane Civil Rights Act. Courts have long held there is a clearly established right not to be criminally charged on the basis of deliberately fabricated evidence.

When an officer manufactures evidence against you, the harm is not just the arrest. It is being dragged through a criminal prosecution built on a lie, losing your liberty, your job, your reputation, sometimes years of your life. Federal civil rights law recognizes this as a due process violation, separate from a false arrest claim, brought under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. The right at stake is the right not to be deprived of liberty as a result of the government’s deliberate fabrication of evidence, and it has been recognized in this circuit for a long time.

What is a fabrication of evidence claim?

A fabrication of evidence claim, often called a Devereaux claim in the Ninth Circuit, lets you sue officers who deliberately created false evidence used against you. You generally must show the officers continued their investigation despite knowing you were innocent, or used techniques so coercive they knew would yield false information.

The Ninth Circuit’s foundational case here is Devereaux v. Abbey. It recognized that a person has a constitutional due process right not to be subjected to criminal charges on the basis of false evidence that was deliberately fabricated by the government. To prove it, you typically show one of two things: that the officers continued to build a case against you when they knew or should have known you were innocent, or that they used investigative methods so coercive and abusive that they knew, or should have known, those methods would yield false information.

Fabrication comes in more shapes than people expect. It is not only planting a weapon or drugs. It is writing a report describing events that never happened. It is pressuring a witness until the story matches the arrest officer already made. It is a false statement in a warrant affidavit. Each of these can poison a prosecution, and each can be its own constitutional violation. What often exposes it is exactly what I cover in why police don’t want their conduct recorded: body-camera and dash-cam footage that contradicts the official report.

There is an important line the courts draw here, and honest lawyers respect it. An officer who simply gets it wrong, who forms a mistaken but genuine belief about what happened, has not fabricated evidence. Fabrication requires deliberate falsehood, knowing what is being manufactured is not true. That is why these cases turn on proof of the officer’s state of mind, which rarely comes from a confession. It comes from the contradictions: the body-camera footage that does not match the report, the witness who says she was pressured, the timeline that could not have happened the way the officer swore it did. Building that proof is painstaking work, and it is the heart of a fabrication case.

Can you sue a police officer for false accusation and immunity? Do officers get away with it? 

Usually not. Courts have repeatedly held it is clearly established that fabricating evidence violates the Constitution, so qualified immunity typically fails. In a 2026 decision, the Ninth Circuit refused to give two officers immunity for charging a man on the basis of a coerced, false statement. 

This is one area where qualified immunity, the defense that sinks so many civil rights cases, tends not to save the officer. The reason is simple: no officer can plausibly claim he did not know that framing an innocent person was wrong. In a 2026 case out of the Ninth Circuit, a federal appeals panel held that two San Francisco police inspectors were not protected by immunity where they were accused of fabricating evidence and maliciously prosecuting a man who spent more than three decades in prison for a crime he did not commit. The court found it clearly established that officers may not charge someone with serious crimes principally on the basis of a single coerced and false statement, and that a reasonable jury could find the officers lacked probable cause.

There is also a California dimension that matters. As I explain in California’s Tom Bane Civil Rights Act,  what it means for police misconduct victims in 2026, Senate Bill 2 amended the Bane Act in 2021 to remove state immunity provisions, including Government Code § 821.6, that had blocked malicious prosecution claims against officers who lie or plant evidence. That means the state-law path is now open too, and qualified immunity does not apply to it at all

What is the difference between fabricating evidence and malicious prosecution?

Fabrication focuses on the false evidence itself and the due process right not to be charged on lies. Malicious prosecution focuses on the wrongful case as a whole: charges brought without probable cause, with an improper purpose, that ended in your favor. The same conduct often supports both claims, and I usually plead them together.

These two claims are cousins, and they frequently arise from the same ugly facts. A malicious prosecution claim requires that a criminal proceeding was started or continued against you without probable cause, that it was pursued with malice or an improper purpose, and that it ended in your favor. A fabrication claim zeroes in on the manufactured evidence itself. When an officer invents a story to justify a false arrest and then that story drives a prosecution, you may have both a fabrication claim and a malicious prosecution claim, and pleading both gives the jury more than one way to hold the officer accountable. 

The favorable-termination piece deserves a word, because it used to trip people up. For years, some courts demanded that a person prove actual innocence before they could sue for a wrongful prosecution. The United States Supreme Court cleared that away in Thompson v. Clark in 2022, holding that for a federal claim you need only show the criminal case ended without a conviction. You do not have to prove you were innocent to prove they had no business charging you. That change matters enormously for people whose cases were dismissed or dropped, because the dismissal itself can now open the door to the civil claim.

What should you do if you think police fabricated evidence against you?

Save every document from your criminal case, especially reports, warrant affidavits, and witness statements. Note inconsistencies and anything you know to be false. Preserve video. Do not wait: civil rights claims have strict deadlines, and a state claim against a public entity generally requires a government tort claim within six months.

The evidence that exposes fabrication is usually hiding in the government’s own paperwork. The police reports, the affidavits, the recorded statements, and the body-camera footage often contradict each other and contradict the officer’s story. Keep all of it. Write down what you personally know to be false, and how you know it. Then move quickly, because these claims do not wait. Federal claims have limitation periods, and a California claim against a city or county generally requires a government tort claim filed within six months of the harm.

Fabrication cases are hard; they are fought fiercely, and they are exactly the kind of case I built my practice around. If you believe officers anywhere in Southern California, including here in Orange County, lied you into a criminal case, that lie can become the centerpiece of your civil rights lawsuit rather than the end of your story. If officers used excessive physical force alongside the fabricated report, a combination we see often, that opens a parallel excessive force claim as well, and it’s worth having both reviewed together. 

Can I sue for police misconduct if the case never went to trial?

Yes. This is the question I hear most from people who were arrested on fabricated evidence but never convicted. You do not need a trial or a guilty verdict against the officer to bring a civil rights claim. What matters is whether the officer knowingly manufactured false evidence and whether that evidence was used against you; the outcome of the underlying criminal case (dismissed, dropped, acquitted) is part of the timeline, not a bar to suing. If your criminal defense attorney got the charges dismissed because the fabrication came apart under scrutiny, that dismissal is often the strongest evidence in the civil case that follows. This is also where a criminal defense lawyer and a civil rights attorney should be working on the same file; the criminal case record becomes the foundation of the federal lawsuit. National data backs this pattern up: according to the National Registry of Exonerations, government misconduct,including fabricated evidence, is one of the leading contributing factors in wrongful convictions across the country, which is exactly why federal law under the DOJ’s civil rights enforcement framework treats this conduct as a constitutional violation, not just a policy failure.

Conclusion

Fabricated evidence is not a technicality, and it is not something you have to accept as the cost of a bad night. It is a constitutional violation with a name, a body of case law behind it, and a path to accountability. At Steering Law, this is the kind of case I have spent forty years building, pulling apart a false report line by line, matching it against body-camera footage, and holding the officer who wrote it accountable in federal court. If you believe an officer in Orange County or anywhere in Southern California built a case against you on a lie, Steering Law is ready to look at what happened and tell you honestly where you stand. The evidence that clears you is often already sitting in the government’s own file, you just need someone who knows how to pull it out. 

Sources

Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.

FAQs

Yes. If an officer knowingly accused you based on evidence they fabricated, coerced, or knew to be false, you can bring a federal civil rights claim under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, and in California, a state claim under the Bane Act.

An honest mistake, a genuine but wrong belief about what happened, is not fabrication. Fabrication requires proof the officer knew the evidence was false and used it anyway. That distinction is what most of these cases actually litigate.

No. Since the Supreme Court’s 2022 ruling in Thompson v. Clark, you only need to show the criminal case ended without a conviction; a dismissal or dropped charges is enough to bring the civil claim.

 Yes, and in many fabrication cases the dismissal is what opens the door. You do not need to prove your innocence, only that the case ended without a conviction and that fabricated evidence was used against you.

 Federal civil rights claims have limitation periods that generally run from when you knew or should have known of the harm, and a California government tort claim must typically be filed within six months of the incident, so acting quickly matters.

Body-camera footage that contradicts the written report, inconsistent witness statements, timeline gaps, and any evidence the officer knew you were innocent before continuing the case. This is usually found within the government’s own records.

Generally no. Courts have held that fabricating evidence violates due process rights, so qualified immunity typically does not protect officers who do so.




Torrance Police Cars

Can the Police Use Force Just Because You Didn’t Obey Fast Enough?

Not lawfully. Under Ninth Circuit case law, hesitating, asking a question, or being slow to understand an order is passive resistance, and officers may only use force that is objectively reasonable under Graham v. Connor. Active resistance physically fighting, struggling, or using force against officers allows more force than passive resistance, which is the mere absence of immediate compliance. Courts have found that going limp, refusing to present arms for handcuffing, or standing still after being told to kneel are all forms of passive resistance, not active resistance, and force disproportionate to that passive conduct can be a Fourth Amendment violation and the basis of a civil rights lawsuit.

 Keypoints 

  • Hesitation, confusion, or a question is not resistance; officers may only use objectively reasonable force under Graham v. Connor.
  • Passive resistance is the absence of compliance (going limp, standing still); active resistance is physically fighting or struggling against officers.
  • Courts weigh the severity of the crime, whether the person posed an immediate threat, and whether they were actively resisting or fleeing.
  • Verbally objecting to an officer, or “talking back,” is protected speech and is not, by itself, a crime or resistance.
  • Penal Code § 148(a)(1) requires the officer’s duty to have been lawful; if the underlying order was unlawful, the charge has no foundation.
  • Officers confronting someone in a mental health crisis must consider that the person may be neither dangerous nor urgent before escalating to extreme force.
  • Never plead guilty to a resisting charge before talking to a civil rights attorney; a conviction can be used to defeat your civil claim.

Here is the scene I have watched play out for forty years. An officer barks an order. The person hesitates, or asks a question, or is simply slow to understand what is happening, and the next thing anyone sees is a takedown, a Taser, or a knee on a back. Afterward, the report says the person was “resisting.” They call it a Resistance Offense, and they use it as a hammer, both to justify the force and to bar the civil suit that should follow. The law draws a hard line between not fighting back and fighting back, and that line is where these cases are won.

Can the police use force just because you did not obey fast enough?

Not lawfully. Under Ninth Circuit law, failing to immediately comply with an officer’s command, without more, is passive resistance that does not justify significant force. Officers may use only force that is objectively reasonable, and hesitation alone is near the bottom of that scale.

The Fourth Amendment does not require instant, robotic obedience on pain of a beating. As a police excessive force attorney, this is the single most common misunderstanding I see people bring into my office. Police force is measured by the objective-reasonableness standard the Supreme Court set in Graham v. Connor, which asks courts to weigh factors like the severity of the crime, whether the person posed an immediate threat, and whether the person was actively resisting or trying to flee. Slowness, confusion, or a question is not a threat, and it is not active resistance. When officers escalate to serious force over mere non-instant compliance, they have crossed the line the Constitution draws. 

What is the difference between active and passive resistance?

Active resistance involves physically fighting, struggling, or using force against officers. Passive resistance is the absence of that: going limp, not immediately complying, verbal objection, or failing to present your arms for cuffing. The Ninth Circuit treats passive resistance as justifying far less force than active resistance.

This distinction is not academic. It decides cases. In Rice v. Morehouse, the Ninth Circuit held that failing to immediately comply with commands, absent other concerning conduct, was passive resistance. In Smith v. Hemet, refusing to reenter a home and to remove hands from pockets was treated as passive resistance. Courts have found that standing for a moment after being told to kneel, refusing to reenter a car, and failing to present one’s arms for cuffing are all forms of passive resistance.

The reason officers work so hard to recharacterize passive resistance as active is that the label controls how much force they are allowed to use, and whether they keep their qualified immunity. If they can convince a court you were fighting, the force looks reasonable. If the truth is that you were slow, scared, or simply standing there, the force does not.

I want to be precise about what the courts have actually said, because the defense will try to blur it. The Ninth Circuit has recognized that even where some resistance exists, the level of force still has to match the level of the threat. A person who pulls an arm away, or who does not offer his wrists the instant he is told to, has not declared war on the officer. The proper response to low-level, passive non-compliance is more talk, more time, and a measured hands-on approach, not a strike, a Taser, or a dog. When officers skip the ladder and jump straight to serious force, the gap between what they did and what the situation called for is the constitutional violation, and it is what a jury needs to see.

Here is how the two categories generally break down, based on how California’s federal courts have described them:

Passive Resistance (less force allowed)Active Resistance (more force may be allowed)
Not immediately complying with a commandPhysically struggling against officers
Going limp or refusing to moveStriking, kicking, or grabbing an officer
Verbal objection or arguingAttempting to disarm an officer
Failing to present arms for handcuffingFleeing in a way that endangers others
Keeping hands in pockets after an orderUsing a weapon or threatening violence

Is arguing with a police officer a crime in California?

No. Verbally objecting to or questioning an officer is protected and is not, by itself, a crime or active resistance. This is what I call the “Contempt of Cop” problem: officers punish attitude, not law-breaking, and then charge Penal Code § 148(a)(1) to paper it over.

You do not lose your rights because you failed the attitude test. Talking back, asking why you are being detained, or recording an encounter is not resistance, and it is not a Resistance Offense. Yet I see people charged under Penal Code § 148(a)(1), which criminalizes willfully resisting, delaying, or obstructing an officer in the lawful performance of duty, for nothing more than a bruised ego on the other side of the badge. The words “lawful performance of duty” matter: if the officer’s own conduct was unlawful, the charge fails at its foundation, because there was no lawful duty to obstruct.

What about force against someone in a mental health crisis?

California’s federal courts hold that officers may not use extreme force against an emotionally disturbed person in circumstances that are neither dangerous nor urgent, without first attempting less intrusive measures. A person in crisis is not, for that reason alone, a dangerous person the police may simply overpower.

Some of the worst cases I see involve people who were not committing any crime at all, but were having a psychiatric emergency. These are exactly the cases where a civil rights attorney police misconduct claim and a mental-health-crisis defense have to be built together, because the police report seldom frames it that way on its own. The Ninth Circuit has been clear that mental illness does not turn a person into a threat, and that officers confronting a disturbed individual in a situation that is neither dangerous nor urgent must consider that fact and cannot lead with extreme force. When departments send armed officers to what is really a medical call and someone gets hurt or killed, that failure to de-escalate is part of the constitutional picture, not an excuse for it. 

The same principle protects people who are deaf, intoxicated, elderly, or simply do not speak English well. An order that is not understood is not an order that was defied. I have handled cases where the entire justification for a violent takedown was that a frightened, confused person did not drop to the ground fast enough on a command he never processed. Courts allow juries to consider whether the person could even comprehend what was being demanded, and whether the officers gave any warning before escalating. Those are the human facts the police report tends to leave out, and they are exactly the facts that win these cases.

What should you do if you were hurt during an arrest for “resisting”?

Get medical care and photograph every injury. Write down what was said and done, in order. Preserve any video and get witness names. Do not plead to the resisting charge before talking to a civil rights attorney, because a conviction can be used to defeat your civil claim.

The resisting charge is not just a criminal problem; it is a trap set for the civil case. If you plead guilty to resisting, the defense will wave that plea in front of the civil jury and argue you admitted the officer acted lawfully. That is exactly why the criminal defense and the civil rights claim have to be handled together, by someone who sees the whole board. I have spent my career defending these “Resistance Offense” charges precisely so they cannot be used to bar the civil suit that the force deserves.

If this happened to you anywhere in Southern California, from Irvine to Newport Beach and across the region, do not assume the police report is the last word. You can learn more on my resisting arrest and Penal Code § 148 defense page and my Irvine police misconduct page. The difference between passive and active resistance is not a technicality. It is often the whole case.

 Can you sue the police for excessive force after a resisting arrest charge?

Yes, and this is one of the most misunderstood parts of these cases. People assume that being charged with resisting arrest,  even if the charge is later dropped or reduced, automatically defeats a civil claim for excessive force. It does not. What matters is whether the force used was proportionate to what you actually did, not to what the report claims you did. According to research summarized by the National Institute of Justice, the overwhelming majority of police-citizen encounters never involve any resistance at all, and even among those that do, most resistance is passive rather than active,  which is exactly why courts scrutinize these cases so closely rather than accepting an officer’s characterization at face value. If your resisting charge was based on hesitation, confusion, or a mental health crisis rather than genuine physical struggle, that charge is often the weakest part of the government’s case, not the strongest.

Conclusion

The gap between hesitating and fighting is where most of these cases actually live, and it is a gap police reports are written to erase. At Steering Law, unpacking that gap,  matching the report against body-camera footage, witness accounts, and the actual sequence of events is the work I have built my practice around for forty years. If you were met with force after a moment of confusion, a question, or simply not moving fast enough, Steering Law can tell you honestly whether that force crossed the constitutional line and what pursuing it would look like. 

Sources

FAQs

 No. Officers may only use force that is objectively reasonable under Graham v. Connor. Hesitation, confusion, or slowness to comply is not, by itself, active resistance and does not justify escalated force.

Passive resistance is the absence of compliance, going limp, standing still, refusing to present hands for cuffing. Active resistance involves physically fighting, struggling, or using force against officers. Courts allow more force in response to active resistance than passive resistance.

No. Verbally objecting, asking why you’re being detained, or questioning an officer is protected and is not, by itself, a violation of Penal Code § 148(a)(1).


Not without talking to a civil rights attorney first. A guilty plea can be used against you in a later civil lawsuit to argue the officer’s force was lawful, even if it wasn’t.

Generally, not extreme force, if the person is neither dangerous nor an immediate threat. Courts require officers to consider less intrusive measures before escalating against someone in psychiatric distress.

Yes. A resisting arrest charge does not automatically defeat an excessive force claim; what matters is whether the force used matched what you actually did, not what the report claims.

 Get medical care and photograph every injury, write down what was said and done in order, preserve any video, and do not plead to the resisting charge before speaking with a civil rights attorney.






Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.

Thomas Perez, Jr. ripping shirt from psychological torture

What Is Qualified Immunity, and Can California’s SB 2 Get Around It?

Qualified immunity is a legal defense that shields a qualified immunity police officer from federal civil rights lawsuits under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 unless the officer violated a “clearly established” constitutional right. It is a judge-made doctrine, not part of the Constitution or the civil rights statute itself. Qualified immunity in California does not apply to claims brought under the state’s Bane Act (Civil Code § 52.1). California’s Senate Bill 2, signed in 2021, amended the Bane Act to remove state immunity provisions, Government Code §§ 821.6, 844.6, and 845.6, that previously shielded officers from malicious prosecution and in-custody claims. SB 2 did not abolish federal qualified immunity, but it opened a state-law path around it for certain claims. 

 Keypoints

  • Qualified immunity is a judge-made federal defense, not something written into the Constitution or the civil rights statute.
  • An officer is protected under qualified immunity unless a prior case with nearly identical facts already found similar conduct unconstitutional.
  • Qualified immunity does not apply to civil rights claims brought under California’s Bane Act.
  • California’s Senate Bill 2 removed three specific state immunity provisions that had shielded officers from malicious prosecution and in-custody claims.
  • SB 2 did not end federal qualified immunity; it opened a separate state-law path for certain misconduct claims.
  • Pleading both a federal § 1983 claim and a state Bane Act claim gives a victim two independent routes to a verdict.
  • Federal and state civil rights claims both carry strict deadlines, so acting quickly after a rights violation matters.

For forty years I have watched qualified immunity swallow good cases whole. A person’s constitutional rights get trampled, the facts are ugly, and then a federal judge dismisses the whole thing before a jury ever hears a word, because some prior court had not spelled out that this exact kind of abuse was illegal. It is one of the most frustrating doctrines in American law. The good news is that California has quietly handed victims a second door, and I walk through it in almost every case I file. 

What is qualified immunity in a police misconduct case?

Qualified immunity is a judge-made defense that shields police officers from federal civil rights damages under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 unless the victim shows the officer violated a “clearly established” constitutional right. In practice, it lets officers escape liability even when their conduct was plainly wrong.

Qualified immunity does not appear anywhere in the Constitution or in the text of the civil rights statute. The United States Supreme Court invented it, and then expanded it, so that an officer is protected unless a prior case with nearly identical facts already told him his conduct was unconstitutional. That is the trick. The defense bar loves to argue that because no earlier court dealt with the precise combination of facts in your case, your rights were not “clearly established,” so the officer walks. It is a heads-they-win, tails-you-lose game, and it is why so many meritorious § 1983 claims never reach a jury.

How does qualified immunity actually play out in the Ninth Circuit?

In the Ninth Circuit, which governs California, whether a right is “clearly established” is decided by Supreme Court and Ninth Circuit case law. Courts view the facts in the light most favorable to the victim, but officers still win immunity whenever the misconduct is not squarely covered by earlier precedent.

Here in California, the courts that decide what is “clearly established” are the United States Supreme Court and the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. When there is no decision directly on point, judges look to other circuits. What this means for a real person is simple and maddening: the more creative the abuse, the more likely the officer is to be immune, because no earlier court happened to describe that specific outrage. I have seen officers argue with a straight face that because the last case involved a fist and theirs involved a boot, the law was not clearly established.

The Ninth Circuit is not hopeless on this front, and recent decisions show the doctrine has limits. When officers deliberately fabricate evidence, for example, courts have had no trouble finding the law clearly established, because everyone has long known you cannot frame an innocent person. But you cannot count on the exception. You build the case assuming the officer will raise immunity, and you give the court the precedent it needs to reject it.

Does California have qualified immunity for police officers?

No. Qualified immunity is a federal doctrine. It does not apply to civil rights claims brought under California’s Tom Bane Civil Rights Act (Civil Code § 52.1). That is the single most important reason I plead a Bane Act claim alongside every federal § 1983 claim I file.

This is the part that surprises people, and it is the heart of my strategy. Qualified immunity is a creature of federal law. California’s own civil rights statute, the Bane Act, has never been subject to it. California courts recognized this long ago in Venegas v. County of Los Angeles. So when a federal judge grants an officer qualified immunity on the § 1983 claim, the state-law Bane Act claim can still go to the jury. On more than one occasion, the Bane Act has saved a case that federal immunity would otherwise have killed. This is exactly the kind of overlapping civil rights attorney work worth reading more about; it’s rarely just one claim or the other. 

What did California Senate Bill 2 change about police immunity?

Senate Bill 2, signed in 2021, amended the Bane Act to strip away three specific California immunity provisions, Government Code §§ 821.6, 844.6, and 845.6, that had shielded officers. It did not abolish federal qualified immunity, but it removed state immunities that once blocked malicious prosecution and in-custody claims.

There is a lot of loose talk that SB 2 “ended qualified immunity” in California. That is not quite right, and getting it right matters. SB 2, the Kenneth Ross Jr. Police Decertification Act, did two big things. It created a statewide process to decertify officers who commit serious misconduct, and it amended Civil Code § 52.1 to remove three state immunity provisions for peace officers and the public entities that employ them.

Those three provisions did real damage before SB 2. Government Code § 821.6 had been read to bar state-law malicious prosecution claims against police entirely; §§ 844.6 and 845.6 limited claims for injuries to people in custody. By making those immunities inapplicable to Bane Act claims, the Legislature opened the courthouse door to cases California had kept shut for decades. For the first time, a person maliciously prosecuted by officers who lied or planted evidence has a clear state-law path to hold them accountable. 

Why do I plead both a federal and a state civil rights claim?

I plead both because they have different rules, different immunities, and different remedies. The federal § 1983 claim reaches constitutional violations nationwide; the state Bane Act claim avoids qualified immunity, allows fee multipliers, and requires only general intent. Together they give a victim two independent routes to a verdict.

Think of it as belt and suspenders. The federal claim under § 1983 is powerful and well developed, but it carries the qualified immunity risk. The Bane Act claim is not subject to that defense, it can be brought against the public entity as well as the officer, and prevailing plaintiffs can recover attorney’s fees, sometimes with a multiplier that California law encourages but federal law does not. The Bane Act also requires only general intent, not the near-impossible showing that an officer specifically set out to violate your rights. When one claim stumbles, the other can carry the case.

 If you were beaten, falsely arrested, or maliciously prosecuted by police anywhere in Southern California, from Newport Beach to the far corners of the Inland Empire, the immunity maze is exactly where these cases live or die. Knowing which door to walk through is most of the battle, and it is what I have spent my career learning. You can read more about my approach to these defenses on my curse of qualified immunity page, and about how these cases get built on my Newport Beach police misconduct page.

What should you do if an officer violated your rights in California?

Preserve everything: photos of injuries, names and badge numbers, witness contacts, and any video. Do not talk to internal affairs or investigators without counsel. Then contact an experienced California civil rights attorney quickly, because both the federal and state claims carry strict deadlines that can bar your case if missed.

The clock is never your friend in these cases. Federal and state civil rights claims carry short deadlines, and a state-law claim against a public entity generally requires a government tort claim filed within six months of the incident. Miss it, and the strongest case in the world can be gone before it starts. If you believe your rights were violated, write down what happened while it is fresh, gather your evidence, and call a police misconduct lawyer who does this work. The immunities are steep, but they are not the end of the road, and in California they are no longer the last word. 

Can you sue for police misconduct even if the officer has qualified immunity?

Yes, and this is the question that brings most people to my office confused and discouraged, because they’ve been told by someone (often the officer’s own department) that qualified immunity ends the conversation. It doesn’t.  Independent research from the Institute for Justice’s qualified immunity project has tracked how often qualified immunity dismisses meritorious federal claims before a jury ever hears them, which is precisely why California built the Bane Act workaround in the first place. If your federal § 1983 claim is at risk of qualified immunity, a properly pleaded civil rights attorney police misconduct claim under the Bane Act may still reach a jury even when the federal claim doesn’t.

What are the benefits of qualified immunity for law enforcement?

I represent victims, not officers, so I want to be straight about this rather than pretend the other side has no argument at all, because it does, and understanding it actually makes you a better plaintiff’s advocate. Supporters of qualified immunity argue it protects a qualified immunity police officer from personal financial ruin over split-second judgment calls made in dangerous, fast-moving situations, and that without it, officers might hesitate at the exact moment hesitation gets someone killed. It’s also argued to reduce frivolous lawsuits and preserve recruitment and retention in a profession that’s already short-staffed in much of California.

Here’s where that argument runs into a wall in practice, though: qualified immunity doesn’t just protect split-second judgment calls; it also protects officers who deliberately lied, fabricated evidence, or used force far beyond what any reasonable person would call a judgment call, simply because no earlier case described that exact misconduct. That’s the gap SB 2 was built to close, not by ending qualified immunity, but by giving California a second door, the Bane Act, for exactly the cases where the “clearly established” test fails a person who was genuinely wronged. When people ask me directly about the benefits of qualified immunity for law enforcement, I tell them the honest version: it protects good-faith mistakes, but it was never supposed to protect deliberate misconduct, and that’s the distinction California is still fighting to enforce.

Conclusion

Qualified immunity was built by courts, not by the Constitution, and for decades it let officers walk away from conduct everyone in the courtroom knew was wrong. California’s SB 2 didn’t erase that doctrine, but it built a second door around it, and knowing when to use that door is most of what wins these cases. At Steering Law, pleading both the federal § 1983 claim and the state Bane Act claim together, every time, is exactly how I’ve kept immunity from becoming the final word for forty years. If an officer violated your rights anywhere in Southern California, Steering Law can walk you through which claims apply and which door gives your case the best chance of reaching a jury.

Sources

Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.

FAQs

 Qualified immunity is a judge-made federal defense that shields officers from civil rights lawsuits unless they violated a “clearly established” constitutional right. It comes from Supreme Court case law, not the Constitution itself. Courts apply it under 42 U.S.C. § 1983.


Qualified immunity applies to federal § 1983 claims in California just as it does nationwide. It does not, however, apply to state-law claims brought under California’s Bane Act, which gives victims a separate path around it.


No. A qualified immunity police officer is only protected from claims where no prior case clearly established the conduct was unconstitutional. Deliberate misconduct, like fabricating evidence, is usually not covered.

 No. SB 2 did not abolish federal qualified immunity. It removed three state immunity provisions that had shielded officers from malicious prosecution and in-custody claims under the Bane Act.

Each carries different immunities, remedies, and intent requirements. If qualified immunity defeats the federal claim, a properly pleaded Bane Act claim can still reach a jury.

Federal and state civil rights claims carry strict, short deadlines. A claim against a public entity generally requires a government tort claim filed within six months of the incident.

 Supporters argue it protects good-faith, split-second decisions from personal liability. In practice, it also shields deliberate misconduct, which is why California built the Bane Act as a second path to accountability.



San Diego Police at car suiting up

Can the Police Create the Danger That “Justifies” Shooting You?

Here is the move I have watched for forty years. Officers charge into a situation recklessly, with no plan and no need to rush, they manufacture a confrontation, and then, when it goes the way their own conduct made inevitable, they shoot. Afterward, they describe only the final two seconds: “He reached for his waistband. I feared for my life.” The law has a name for the argument that the police should not be allowed to bootstrap a shooting that way. In the Ninth Circuit it has been called the provocation rule, and the broader principle survives even after the Supreme Court narrowed the label.

Can the police create the danger that “justifies” shooting you?

Often they should not be able to. Under longstanding Ninth Circuit law, courts can consider whether officers recklessly created the dangerous situation they then used deadly force to resolve. Even after the Supreme Court limited the formal “provocation rule,” an officer’s own reckless conduct leading up to a shooting can still support liability.

The single most important thing to understand about a police shooting case is the frame. The defense wants the jury to look only at the final instant, the moment the officer pulled the trigger, because in that frozen frame the force can look reasonable. The plaintiff’s job is to widen the lens to include everything the officers did to create the crisis in the first place.

What was the Ninth Circuit’s “provocation rule”?

The provocation rule was a Ninth Circuit doctrine holding that officers could be liable for an otherwise reasonable use of force if they intentionally or recklessly provoked a violent confrontation, and the provocation itself was an independent constitutional violation, such as an unlawful entry.

For years the rule, associated with cases like Billington v. Smith, gave juries a way to hold officers responsible when their own unconstitutional conduct set the deadly encounter in motion. In 2017, the United States Supreme Court rejected that specific doctrine in County of Los Angeles v. Mendez, a case that arose right here in Southern California. The Court held that the provocation rule was an improper end-run around the Fourth Amendment’s reasonableness analysis.

Does Mendez mean the police can provoke a shooting and escape liability?

No. The Supreme Court rejected the specific “provocation rule” label, but it preserved a key principle: the reasonableness of force is judged on the totality of the circumstances, and an officer’s reckless conduct leading up to the use of force remains part of that picture and can support a separate claim.

This is the part the police defense bar hopes you will miss. In Mendez, the Court did not bless officers who manufacture danger. It said the proper question is whether the force was reasonable under the totality of the circumstances, and it expressly left room to hold officers accountable for the foreseeable consequences of their own constitutional violations through ordinary causation principles. The Ninth Circuit’s foundational decision in Graham v. Connor already requires courts to weigh the whole encounter, not just the final frame.

So the strategy did not die; it changed shape. Instead of a standalone provocation instruction, we build the case around totality of the circumstances and proximate cause: the unlawful entry, the failure to plan, the needless rush, the failure to use available tactics, all of it as the chain of events that foreseeably led to the shooting.

What makes a police shooting unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment?

A police shooting is an unreasonable seizure when the totality of the circumstances shows the force was excessive, judged by factors including the severity of the crime, whether the person posed an immediate threat, and whether they were actively resisting or fleeing. Deadly force generally requires a significant threat of death or serious harm.

The framework comes from Graham v. Connor and, for deadly force, Tennessee v. Garner, which held that deadly force is unreasonable unless the officer has probable cause to believe the suspect poses a significant threat of death or serious physical injury. California’s own statute, Penal Code § 835a as amended by AB 392 in 2019, tightened the state standard, permitting deadly force only when necessary in defense of human life.

  • Severity of the crime at issue. A minor offense weighs against the use of serious force.
  • Immediate threat. The central question is whether the person truly posed an immediate threat, not whether the officer recites the phrase.
  • Active resistance or flight. Flight alone does not justify shooting a person who is not dangerous.
  • The officers’ own conduct. Reckless tactics that created the danger are part of the totality, and can be their own violation.

What does reckless police conduct look like before a shooting?

Reckless pre-shooting conduct includes needlessly rushing into a situation, abandoning available cover or tactics, failing to plan or call for specialized units, escalating a minor encounter, and provoking a confrontation that a calmer approach would have avoided. These choices are part of the totality a jury can weigh.

When I take apart a shooting case, I look hard at the minutes and seconds before the trigger pull. Did the officers create a situation where shooting became the only option they left themselves? Common examples include officers who jump out of a car and immediately close distance on a person in crisis, who fire into a vehicle they have deliberately stepped in front of, or who force a confrontation with a mentally ill person when waiting and containing would have ended it peacefully. None of that appears in the official narrative, which is why independent investigation, witness accounts, body-camera footage, and dispatch records matter so much.

The point is not that hindsight makes every shooting wrong. The point is that the Fourth Amendment’s reasonableness test, as Graham v. Connor describes it, looks at the totality of the circumstances, and a jury is entitled to hear how the officers’ own decisions shaped the moment they now ask the court to view in isolation.

How does qualified immunity affect a police shooting case?

Qualified immunity can shield individual officers from a federal claim unless the plaintiff shows the force violated clearly established law. It is one of the biggest hurdles in shooting cases, which is why experienced civil rights lawyers also pursue municipal liability and California state-law claims that the defense cannot reach.

I have spent my career fighting qualified immunity, because it too often lets officers escape accountability even when they have plainly done wrong. In a shooting case, we attack it on the law and the facts, and we do not rely on the federal claim alone. California’s state-law claims, including a wrongful death action and battery and negligence theories, and in the right case the Tom Bane Civil Rights Act, give us routes the federal immunity does not block. Building the case on multiple tracks from day one is how you keep a strong claim alive.

What can families recover after a wrongful police shooting?

Surviving family members can pursue a federal civil rights claim under Section 1983 and a California wrongful death claim under Code of Civil Procedure § 377.60, plus a survival action for the decedent’s own pre-death harm. Damages can include the loss of the relationship, economic losses, and punitive damages against individual officers.

The federal claim vindicates the constitutional violation; the state claims, including a survival action under § 377.30, capture the family’s loss and the decedent’s suffering. As with every claim against a California public entity, the state-law side carries a short government-claim deadline, frequently six months, so families should consult counsel immediately. Our firm’s record in deadly-force and serious-force matters is available on our case results page.

Talk to a California police shooting attorney

If the police shot you or killed someone you love, do not accept a story built on the last two seconds. I have been suing police officers throughout California since 1984, and I know how to widen the frame. Contact Steering Law in Newport Beach. We handle deadly-force cases across Southern California, including Los Angeles County and Newport Beach.

About the Author

Jerry L. Steering, Esq. has been suing police officers and defending bogus “resistance offense” criminal cases throughout California since 1984. A graduate of the University of Georgia School of Law (1984), he is admitted to practice in California, Georgia, the Ninth and Eleventh Circuits, and the United States Supreme Court. His police-misconduct cases have produced settlements and verdicts in the millions, and his work has been featured on ABC News, CNN, Good Morning America, Dateline NBC, The Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times. He practices from Newport Beach and serves clients across Southern California.

Sources

Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.

Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco and Riverside County District Attorney Mike Hestrin exchange pleasantries

Can You Sue the Police for Malicious Prosecution in California?

I have spent four decades watching the same script play out. An officer roughs someone up, or arrests them for no good reason, and then, to paper over what they did, they swear out a criminal charge. Resisting. Assault on an officer. Delaying. The charge was never about justice. It was about protecting the officer. When that bogus case finally collapses, the question my clients ask me is simple: can I make them answer for it? Often, the answer is yes, through a claim for malicious prosecution.

Can you sue the police for malicious prosecution in California?

Yes. In California you can sue police officers for malicious prosecution when they cause a criminal case to be filed against you without probable cause and for an improper purpose, and that case ends in your favor. You can bring the claim under federal civil rights law and under California state law.

Malicious prosecution is one of the most important tools I use against police misconduct, because it reaches the cover-up, not just the original abuse. When officers manufacture a charge to justify a beating or a false arrest, the criminal case itself becomes a second wrong. A malicious prosecution claim lets the person who was dragged through that case hold the officers accountable for it.

There are two tracks. The federal track runs through 42 U.S.C. § 1983, the Reconstruction-era civil rights statute that lets you sue state and local officials who violate your constitutional rights. The state track runs through California’s own common-law tort of malicious prosecution, and increasingly through the Tom Bane Civil Rights Act. I almost always plead both, because they have different rules, different immunities, and different remedies.

What are the elements of a malicious prosecution claim?

A malicious prosecution claim has three core elements: (1) a criminal proceeding was started or continued against you without probable cause; (2) it was pursued with malice, meaning for a purpose other than bringing you to justice; and (3) the proceeding ended in your favor.

Those three elements come straight from the common law and they have not changed in substance. The United States Supreme Court restated them in Thompson v. Clark in 2022, listing the historical requirements as a proceeding instituted without probable cause, a malicious motive, and a termination in the accused’s favor. California’s civil jury instructions describe the same building blocks for the tort here at home.

No probable cause. Probable cause exists when the known facts would lead a reasonable person to believe a crime was committed and that you committed it. In the cases I handle, the officer often had nothing of the sort, just an injured ego and a need to explain away the force he used. When the supposed factual basis for the charge was something the officer knew was false, there was no probable cause to begin with.

Malice. Malice does not require that the officer hate you. It means the case was pursued for a reason other than genuinely bringing a guilty person to justice, for example, to cover up misconduct, to retaliate, or to gain leverage. Juries are allowed to infer malice from the absence of probable cause.

Favorable termination. The case has to have ended in a way that was not a conviction. For years, some courts demanded that you prove your innocence affirmatively. In Thompson v. Clark, the Supreme Court rejected that for federal claims, holding that you only need to show the prosecution ended without a conviction. The Ninth Circuit, which governs California’s federal courts, had already taken that more sensible view in cases like Roberts v. City of Fairbanks.

What is the difference between a federal and a state malicious prosecution claim?

A federal malicious prosecution claim under Section 1983 treats the wrongful charge as an unreasonable seizure under the Fourth Amendment. A California state claim is a common-law tort. The federal claim must overcome qualified immunity; certain California state-law routes, including the Bane Act, do not allow that defense.

On the federal side, the Supreme Court has located the constitutional home of a malicious prosecution claim in the Fourth Amendment. The theory is that being held to answer a criminal charge built on false information is an unreasonable seizure of your person through legal process. That is the framework the Court used in Thompson v. Clark and earlier in Manuel v. City of Joliet.

The catch on the federal side is qualified immunity. Even when officers manufactured a charge, they can argue they are shielded unless the law was clearly established. I have spent my career fighting that doctrine, and it is exactly why the state-law routes matter so much. Under California’s Tom Bane Civil Rights Act, officers cannot hide behind qualified immunity, and since the 2021 reforms in Senate Bill 2, Bane Act claims can reach malicious prosecution and injuries to people in custody that older immunities used to block.

Penal Code § 148 and § 69: the charges that feed these cases

Most of the malicious prosecution cases I see grow out of what I call Resistance Offenses, charges under California Penal Code § 148(a)(1) (resisting, delaying, or obstructing an officer) and Penal Code § 69 (resisting an executive officer by force or threat). These are the charges officers reach for when they need a reason for the force they used. When those charges are dismissed or end in acquittal, the favorable termination element is satisfied, and the malicious prosecution case can begin.

What can you recover in a malicious prosecution lawsuit?

A successful malicious prosecution plaintiff can recover compensatory damages for emotional distress, harm to reputation, lost income, and attorney’s fees paid to defend the criminal case. Punitive damages are available against individual officers, and under the Bane Act, treble damages and statutory attorney’s fees may apply.

The damages reflect everything the bogus case cost you: the lawyer you had to hire, the work you missed, the months of fear, the damage to your name. Against individual officers who acted maliciously, a jury can award punitive damages to punish and deter. And when the conduct fits the Bane Act, the statute’s enhanced remedies, including treble damages and attorney’s fees, change the math at the settlement table.

Recent Southern California results

These cases are not theoretical. Among the results our firm has obtained is Browder v. County of San Bernardino, a 2026 matter resolved for $499,000 for malicious criminal prosecution. You can review that and other verdicts and settlements on our case results page. If your case arose in the Inland Empire, our San Bernardino County police misconduct page explains how we handle matters in that venue.

How long do you have to file a malicious prosecution claim?

Timing is unforgiving. The clock on a malicious prosecution claim generally does not start until the criminal case ends in your favor. But if you sue a California public entity on state-law theories, you must usually file a government claim within six months of the relevant date, so you should speak with a civil rights attorney immediately.

The interplay between the favorable-termination rule and California’s claim-filing deadlines is where good cases die. The federal Section 1983 claim and the state tort generally accrue when the prosecution terminates in your favor, but California’s government-claim requirement for state-law claims against a public entity is short and rigid. Do not try to time this yourself. The day your criminal case is dismissed is the day to call a lawyer who does both criminal defense and civil rights work.

Talk to a California malicious prosecution attorney

If the police charged you with a crime to cover their own misconduct, and that case fell apart, you may have a malicious prosecution claim. I have been suing police officers and defending bogus Resistance Offense cases throughout California since 1984. To discuss what happened to you, contact Steering Law in Newport Beach. We represent clients across all of Southern California.

About the Author

Jerry L. Steering, Esq. has been suing police officers and defending bogus “resistance offense” criminal cases throughout California since 1984. A graduate of the University of Georgia School of Law (1984), he is admitted to practice in California, Georgia, the Ninth and Eleventh Circuits, and the United States Supreme Court. His police-misconduct cases have produced settlements and verdicts in the millions, and his work has been featured on ABC News, CNN, Good Morning America, Dateline NBC, The Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times. He practices from Newport Beach and serves clients across Southern California.

Sources

Disclaimer: This article is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this post or contacting Steering Law through this website does not create an attorney-client relationship. Every case is different; if you are facing a legal issue, you should consult a qualified California attorney about your specific situation. Past results do not guarantee similar outcomes.